By William
Rivers Pitt t r u t h
o u t | Perspective By William
Rivers Pitt t r u t h
o u t | Perspective December 4, 2002
Last week, Bush tapped Henry Kissinger to chair the independent
investigation into how and why the September 11th attacks took place. This
investigation has been hotly sought after for months by many members of Congress
and the vast majority of Americans. The Bush administration, however, fought it
at every turn, and only assented to the investigation after it was decided that
they could choose the chairman. They chose Henry, a man so in love with secrecy
that he bugged his own staff while in White House to make sure no one leaked
anything. Only if George W. Bush posted a sign on the White House lawn that
read, "Dear America - Screw Your Investigation," could the signal be more clear.
We all remember Henry, Bagman Extraordinaire, the diplomat who cannot
set foot beyond America's borders for fear of being subpoenaed and/or arrested
for his past deeds. One would think the Bush administration would seek to avoid
scandal where it could. In the case of Henry, however, it seems the pigs are too
fond of the wallow. Much of the world sees Henry as a war criminal, and they
have good cause to do so.
Henry fouled the 1968 peace negotiations during the Vietnam War to
boost the election fortunes of his doppleganger, Richard Nixon. By tampering
with the peace talks in '68, he helped to send tens of thousands of American
soldiers to death, and condemned tens of thousands more American soldiers to
maiming or psychological rape. After becoming Secretary of State, Henry
orchestrated the secret bombing campaign in Cambodia that claimed hundreds of
thousands of civilian lives.
Henry made sure the leaders of a military coup against a democratically
elected government in Bangladesh, a coup that wound up killing hundreds of
thousands of civilians, escaped censure and condemnation from the American
government. Henry was up to his eyeballs in the coup that overthrew and
ultimately murdered Salvador Allende of Chile, an action that led to years of
bloody repression at the hands of dictator Agosto Pinochet. Henry gave American
approval for Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in 1975, an action that took
tens of thousands of civilian lives.
This list goes on and on, and includes assistance to terrorists
associated with Pinochet who murdered Allende's American ambassador with a car
bomb on Washington's Embassy Row in 1976.
Writer David Corn said it best in his piece on Kissinger's 9/11
chairmanship that was recently featured in The Nation magazine: "A fellow who
has coddled state-sponsored terrorism has been put in charge of this terrorism
investigation. A proven liar has been assigned the task of finding the truth."
It serves to remember the prickly details surrounding 9/11 that are
assuredly the reason Henry was chosen to chair the investigation. The Bush
administration, and the intelligence services designed to serve it, were warned
several times of an impending terrorist attack. Months before September, the
German intelligence service BND told US and Israeli intelligence that Middle
East terrorists were "planning to hijack commercial aircraft to use as weapons
to attack important symbols of American and Israeli culture." The BND's
information came through Echelon, the American-controlled network of 120
satellites that monitors all worldwide electronic communications.
Egypt voiced similar warnings regarding aircraft attacks. Delivered
just before the G-8 summit in Genoa in the summer of 2001, Egypt's alert carried
such weight that anti-aircraft batteries were placed around Columbus Airport in
Italy. The Russians warned the US that same summer of 25 pilots who had been
trained for suicide missions, and Putin himself delivered the warning "in the
strongest possible terms" to the US government. The Israeli intelligence service
Mossad warned both the FBI and the CIA, detailing "a major assault on the United
States" against "a large-scale target" that was "very vulnerable."
The Bush administration put energy policy before national security
concerns. A foundering pipeline project aimed at exploiting natural gas reserves
along the Caspian Sea in Turkmenistan was revived by the Bush administration
when it arrived in Washington in January of 2001.
The pipeline project, which sought to bring oil and natural gas from
Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to a warm water port, had been the brainchild
of American petroleum giant Unocal for much of the 1990s. After the destruction
of two American embassies in Africa in 1998 by Osama bin Laden, the Clinton
administration forbade any American companies from doing business with the
Taliban, which had been sheltering bin Laden in Afghanistan. Unocal's pipeline
project was frozen.
After the Bush administration came to power, reinvigorating the Unocal
pipeline project became a high-priority matter of policy. Assistant Secretary of
State Christina Rocca was dispatched to Pakistan to discuss the pipeline with
Taliban officials in August of 2001. Rocca, a career officer with the CIA, had
been deeply involved in Agency activities within Afghanistan. The main subject
of their discussion was oil. A Pakistani foreign minister was also present at
the meeting, and witnessed the exchange.
The main obstacle to the completion of the Unocal pipeline was the fact
that it had to pass through Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. The project would
receive no international support unless the Afghan government somehow became
legitimized. In bargaining for the pipeline, the Bush administration demanded
that the Taliban reinstate deposed King Mohammad Zahir Shah as ruler of
Afghanistan, and demanded that the Taliban hand over Osama bin Laden for arrest.
In return, the Taliban would reap untold billions in profit from the pipeline.
Part of the Bush administration's bargaining tactics involved threats of war if
these conditions for the legitimization of Afghanistan were not met.
The Bush administration very much wanted the Unocal pipeline to go
through, and put intense pressure on the Taliban to see it happen. As this was
happening, American intelligence services were flooded with warnings of an
impending attack upon American targets by bin Laden and Al Qaeda. There is
intense speculation that the September 11th attacks were, in fact, a pre-emptive
strike from a nation that saw destruction coming no matter what it did.
The Bush administration fundamentally misunderstood the Taliban regime
- to bring back the King and hand bin Laden over to the West would have been
tantamount to suicide for the Taliban. Instead of acquiescing to the hard-sell
tactics of the Bush administration, the Taliban unleashed their pet attack dog,
Osama, upon America. They were going to lose everything, and chose to attack
first in the hope that all-out war would break out in Central Asia and rally
other Muslim nations to their cause.
Henry Kissinger has been a Unocal consultant since 1995, and was
present at the October 21st ceremony of that year when the announcement was made
that Unocal would get the contract to build the pipeline. A New York Times
editorial published on November 29th stated, "It seems improbable to expect Mr.
Kissinger to report unflinchingly on the conduct of the government, including
that of Mr. Bush. He would have to challenge the established order and risk
sundering old friendships and business relationships." One wonders if the
"business relationships" obliquely referred to in that editorial have anything
to do with Unocal.
As for challenging the "established order," Henry will have to do
exactly that if he is to chair an effective investigation. He will have to find
answers for a number of very hard and pressing questions. Will he see it done?
Roll them bones...
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William Rivers Pitt is a
New York Times bestselling author of two books - "War On Iraq" (with Scott
Ritter) available now from Context Books, and "The Greatest Sedition is
Silence," available in May 2003 from Pluto Press. He teaches high school in
Boston, MA.
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